People often say they are ¡°spiritual but not religious¡±. We see them either as enlightened freethinkers or fuzzy fence-sitters, depending on our point of view. Although sociologists of religion have spent time studying Christians and New Age practitioners, we don¡¯t know much about the group that Linda Mercadante calls SBNRs.

A minister in the Presbyterian Church (USA), Mercadante¡¯s fascination with this group stems partly from her mixed religious heritage: born to Jewish and Italian parents, she embraced Roman Catholicism, alternative spiritualities and evangelical Christianity before settling in mainline Protestantism.

Here, she sets out, via interviews with about 100 Americans ¨C two-thirds women, mostly baby boomers (born 1946-64) and Generation Xers (born 1965-81) ¨C to discover what SBNRs believe. She explores their thoughts on transcendence, human nature, community and afterlife and finds that they don¡¯t believe in an interventionist or personal God (if ¡°God¡± exists, they think God is part of creation, not separate from it). As for human nature, they don¡¯t see themselves as sinners needing salvation, but as ¡°inherently good¡± selves needing freedom and choice so that their ¡°purity, even divinity¡± can shine.

This focus on the self affects their view of community. ¡°Many interviewees did much more than just ¡®question authority¡¯,¡± Mercadante says. ¡°Instead, they relocated it within, relativized it to each person, and detached it from any particular spirituality community.¡± Some belonged to recovery groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous, but none had a longstanding affiliation with a spiritual community. This makes it hard for them to sustain shared group beliefs or behaviour, and Mercadante thinks it impedes their ability to benefit society.

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On life after death, SBNRs share ground with Hindu beliefs, reflecting what Colin Campbell calls ¡°the Easternization of the West¡±. Most believe in reincarnation and ¡°karma, endless opportunities, inevitable progress, expanding consciousness, and the very American ideal of free will and personal choice¡±. Their optimism is clear: reincarnations will be better, not worse, than their previous life. Actions have consequences, but only positive ones.

Belief without Borders deals with tricky conceptual territory: are spirituality and religion distinct, as SBNRs claim, or different words for the same phenomenon? Mercadante sees this group as part of the ¡°nones¡±, the religiously unaffiliated, whose numbers have tripled since 1990 to a fifth of the US population.

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A theological standpoint frames the book, for Mercadante is concerned about what this means for the church. Although gracious in her critique, she pulls no punches: SBNRs think theologically, but haltingly. Their beliefs have something to teach the church (for instance, care for the Earth), ¡°but are they enough?¡± she asks. Without a structured system of believing and belonging, it will be hard for SBNRs to pass their beliefs to a new generation or help meet society¡¯s social welfare needs (as faith-based organisations have long done).

A feminist interpretation might see this group more positively. In encouraging selflessness and service of others, the Christian church has bred self-abnegation in women. If spirituality outside religion encourages them to focus on their own spiritual needs, maybe it¡¯s a good thing.

Whether or not Mercadante¡¯s readers endorse her theological critique, this fascinating book offers an investigation of American SBNRs¡¯ beliefs that is important and timely, a gift to scholars and practitioners of religion, spirituality and non-religion.